Alert began working at the regional level in 2005. In its first five years, the regional programme carried out capacity-building, networking and support for research, advocacy and lobbying, focusing on stimulating and supporting intra-regional networks of analysts, parliamentarians, church groups and women.

Mistrust between neighbouring countries: neighbouring countries are deeply divided, both at the political level and between communities on either sides of borders. Mistrust is reinforced by negative perceptions of the other as well as by differences between political and administrative cultures. National boundaries are often a focus of insecurity, as they delineate different political and legal regimes, and hence may attract those seeking to operate beyond the control of authorities. Regional co-operation institutions, though mandated to promote political and economic integration - and thus minimise potential for conflict - are hamstrung by a lack of cohesion between member states; they are costly, have overlapping mandates, and are viewed by most citizens as remote and unaccountable. Yet everyday interactions of citizens on both sides of political boundaries (promoting commercial or kinship relationships for example) may transcend the tensions thus generated, and in doing so they link local relationships into wider regional dynamics.

The prevalence of exclusion and intolerance between different identity groups: Deep social divisions – of ethnicity, gender, occupation, or regional origin, for example - exist within the countries of the Great Lakes. Multiple forms of discrimination exist which deny citizens opportunities - to pursue their chosen livelihoods, participate in politics, or attain their educational or professional goals, for example. For example, barriers to women’s participation in decision-making persist throughout the region (link to Women’s political participation consultation report). And as a recent report by the Regional Analysts Network and supported by Alert shows (link to Words that kill), discrimination is deeply rooted in value systems and in social and political structures. Yet many examples of co-existence and mutual support also exist and can be built on.

Economic interests at the root of disputes: The political economy of the Great Lakes countries has always played a strong part in the tensions, fissures and population displacements that have characterised its history. The search for access to and control over natural resources (productive land, water, forest products, or minerals for example) has driven many political and military movements, and led to marked levels of poverty and displacement which have themselves contributed to ongoing tensions and violence. Yet in the view of the majority of the population, (including large sections of the private sector) stability and prosperity go hand in hand, leaving a huge reservoir of interest in peace.

A political culture characterised by a lack of accountability and citizen participation: Poor governance is a major threat to stability throughout the region, and has many manifestations, ranging from the coercive seizure and maintenance of power, to widespread gender inequalities. State mechanisms function poorly, are perceived to be unaccountable, and have largely failed to generate a sense of wider national identity or citizenship. Parliamentary and local elections have been established, raising popular hopes of greater accountability from politicians, but to date these have largely failed to uproot entrenched systems of patronage. Specific groups of people (including most prominently women and local minorities) are effectively excluded from the decision-making process. Yet some progress is being made in opening up spaces for wider participation, and in strengthening civil society's role in holding authorities to account.

An international community playing ambivalent roles in the Great Lakes: Many of the structural features tending towards violence in the Great Lakes find their origin in the past rapaciousness of international interests, colonial and post-colonial, in the region's vast natural resources. The relatively weak institutional framework offered by states and civil society are not always able to provide robust monitoring and control of these interests. Considerable amounts of international aid have flowed into the Great Lakes region to support post-conflict reconstruction, and yet the nature and direction of those flows has sometimes been counter-productive to regional stability and development. Lack of coherence and coordination, short-termism, and self-interest, have often limited the peacebuilding potential of international interventions still further.

• strengthen the capacities of MPs to resolve conflicts and build peace
• build relationships of solidarity and cooperation among MPs working for peace in the region
• organise peace initiatives by joint groups of MPs from the region
• stimulate debate on conflict issues and action for peace within national parliaments

Members are trained in conflict resolution skills and share information about conflicts in the region. Amani has undertaken a wide range of peace initiatives at both national and regional levels. These are some examples:

• contributing to rapprochement between Rwanda and Uganda by organising two inter-parliamentary dialogue meetings between MPs from the two countries
• facilitating the return of Zanzibari refugees fleeing persecution in the wake of the Tanzanian elections in 2001
• promoting dialogue between Burundian and Tanzanian MPs in response to souring relations between the two countries over refugee issues
• carrying out fact-finding missions to South and North Sudan to inform Amani members of the issues underlying the long-running civil war. A subsequent lobbying campaign by Amani members significantly contributed to the momentum for a peaceful resolution of the conflict
  sending regional delegations of MPs to observe the conduct of the general elections in Kenya in 2002, the Tanzania by-elections in 2003 and the Rwandan presidential and parliamentary elections in 2004.

Since the establishment of the Transitional parliament in the DRC in 2003, Amani members have been in contact with their Congolese counterparts, developing a good relationship with a core group of MPs. A Congolese chapter of Amani was launched in June 2005.

For more information about Amani, contact Salome Katia.

Amani Secretariat
PO Box 25592
Nairobi
Kenya

00603 Kilimani Chaka Rd
Titan Building
Nairobi
Kenya

Tel: +254 202 730 802/3